Chimurenga Library – The Chimurenga Chronic https://chimurengachronic.co.za now-now, a pan African gazette - in print quarterly and online Wed, 20 Oct 2021 11:50:22 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.5 https://chimurengachronic.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/cropped-CHIMURENGA-LOGO-32x32.jpg Chimurenga Library – The Chimurenga Chronic https://chimurengachronic.co.za 32 32 Chimurenganyana: Home Is Where The Music Is by Uhuru Phalafala (September 2021) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-home-is-where-the-music-is-by-uhuru-phalafala-september-2021/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-home-is-where-the-music-is-by-uhuru-phalafala-september-2021/#respond Wed, 08 Sep 2021 09:58:35 +0000 https://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=18591 The latest addition to the Chimurenganyana series

The post Chimurenganyana: Home Is Where The Music Is by Uhuru Phalafala (September 2021) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
“Home is where the music is” is drawn from Keorapetse Kgositsile’s poem “For Hughie Masekela”, dedicated to the South African trumpeter, composer and bandleader. The poem ends with the lines, “This then is the rhythm / and the blues of it / Home is where the music is”. The poem was published in the 1974 collection, The Present Is A Dangerous Place To Live, however it was presented to Masekela earlier. Bra Hugh then recorded a double album titled Home Is Where The Music Is, with artwork by South African abstract expressionist Dumile Feni, released in 1972. The album features the song, “Blues for Huey”, which evokes the lamentation and longing of exile in Kgositsile’s poem, interweaving New York and Maseru, revealing continuities across the Atlantic.

A limited Chimurenganyana edition of Home Is Where The Music Is by Uhuru Phalafala is now available.

As soundtrack to the writing, Uhuru has assembled a sonic documentary, which can be listened to here:

[for track info and credits, check in here]

Copies are available for sale at the Chimurenga Factory, as well as through our online store.

The post Chimurenganyana: Home Is Where The Music Is by Uhuru Phalafala (September 2021) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-home-is-where-the-music-is-by-uhuru-phalafala-september-2021/feed/ 0
Chimurenganyana: Even When My Soup-curlers Slur, I Still Keep the Take by Georgia Anne Muldrow (June 2021) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-even-when-my-soup-curlers-slur-i-still-keep-the-take-by-georgia-anne-muldrow-june-2021/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-even-when-my-soup-curlers-slur-i-still-keep-the-take-by-georgia-anne-muldrow-june-2021/#respond Thu, 17 Jun 2021 14:09:44 +0000 https://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=17875 A limited Chimurenganyana edition of Even When My Soup-Curlers Slur, I Still Keep the Take by Georgia Anne Muldrow is now available.

The post Chimurenganyana: Even When My Soup-curlers Slur, I Still Keep the Take by Georgia Anne Muldrow (June 2021) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
Georgia arrives in the middle of a song. She multiplies there to become singer, instrumentalist, poet, producer, her very presence is lyrical and elides fixed meaning and form. What orbits her work, at the risk of becoming jaded and delirious while circling her innate rhythm in a land that tries to contain its reach, is optimism. Her sound is often that of someone dejected by her own optimism, as if it betrays her reality or turns some purposed doom to triumph before it can strike. Do you ever check on your well adjusted, optimistic friends, the ones who always make you feel a little better just from being around them for a few hours? Those who give the most and make it seem effortless are often the most neglected. Their shadows become weapons of potential self-sabotage because no one notices that umbra looming beneath so much shine and defiance. Here we get to bask in such a shadow as if we have earned access to the part of the music that will never be on the market, that refuses the transactional, that confesses ahead of the beat, unmarks the beast, achieves true self-actualization.

(from the preface by Harmony Holiday)

Also featuring drawings by Yaoundé Olu.


A limited Chimurenganyana edition of Even When My Soup-Curlers Slur, I Still Keep the Take by Georgia Anne Muldrow is now available. To purchase in print, head to our online shop.

The post Chimurenganyana: Even When My Soup-curlers Slur, I Still Keep the Take by Georgia Anne Muldrow (June 2021) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-even-when-my-soup-curlers-slur-i-still-keep-the-take-by-georgia-anne-muldrow-june-2021/feed/ 0
Chimurenganyana: Becoming Kwame Ture by Amandla Thomas-Johnson (Oct 2020) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-becoming-kwame-ture-by-amandla-thomas-johnson-oct-2020/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-becoming-kwame-ture-by-amandla-thomas-johnson-oct-2020/#respond Wed, 21 Oct 2020 10:33:31 +0000 https://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=17623 Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) was viewed by many during the civil rights […]

The post Chimurenganyana: Becoming Kwame Ture by Amandla Thomas-Johnson (Oct 2020) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) was viewed by many during the civil rights struggles of the 1960s as the dashing and eloquent heir to Malcolm X. His call for Black Power and his fiery speeches led to his ascension as the foremost symbol of black militancy. But the threat posed to white America by the triumvirate of Martin Luther King Jr., Stokely Carmichael and Malcolm X would be suppressed as the decade declined to a close. Indeed, X and King would meet death at the escort of gunmen, in ‘65 and ‘68, respectively, and in ‘69, Carmichael would board a plane bound for Guinea, never to return on a permanent basis.

But Kwame Ture lived on for another 30 years and he was as politically active as he had been in the ‘60s. At the time of his death, Ture had become perhaps the foremost Pan-Africanist of his day. He co-founded (with Kwame Nkrumah) and led the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party, arguably the most significant Pan-African political party in its heyday, and he established himself as the leading black advocate for Palestinian rights. Why do we know so little about the last 30 years of his life?

The post Chimurenganyana: Becoming Kwame Ture by Amandla Thomas-Johnson (Oct 2020) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-becoming-kwame-ture-by-amandla-thomas-johnson-oct-2020/feed/ 0
FESTAC 77 BOOK (Oct 2019) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/festac77/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/festac77/#respond Tue, 01 Oct 2019 11:40:01 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=13686 Early in 1977, thousands of artists, writers, musicians, activists and scholars from Africa and the black diaspora assembled in Lagos for FESTAC ’77, the 2nd World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture. With a radically ambitious agenda underwritten by Nigeria’s newfound oil wealth, FESTAC ’77 would unfold as a complex, glorious and excessive culmination of a half-century of transatlantic and pan-Africanist cultural-political gatherings.

The post FESTAC 77 BOOK (Oct 2019) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
Early in 1977, thousands of artists, writers, musicians, activists and scholars from Africa and the black diaspora assembled in Lagos for FESTAC ’77, the 2nd World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture. With a radically ambitious agenda underwritten by Nigeria’s newfound oil wealth, FESTAC ’77 would unfold as a complex, glorious and excessive culmination of a half-century of transatlantic and pan-Africanist cultural-political gatherings.

As told by Chimurenga, this is the first publication to address the planetary scale of FESTAC alongside the personal and artistic encounters it made possible. Featuring extensive unseen photographic and archival materials, interviews and new commissions, the book relays the stories, words and works of the festival’s extraordinary cast of characters.

With: Wole Soyinka, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Ahmed Sékou Touré, Archie Shepp, Miriam Makeba, Allioune Diop, Jeff Donaldson, Louis Farrakhan, Stevie Wonder, Abdias do Nascimento, Keorapetse Kgositsile, Mario de Andrade, Ted Joans, Nadi Qamar,Carlos Moore, Ayi Kwei Armah, Ama Ata Aidoo, Johnny Dyani, Werewere Liking, Marilyn Nance, Barkley Hendricks, Mildred Thompson, Ibrahim El-Salahi, Jayne Cortez, Atukwei OkaiJonas Gwangwa, Theo Vincent, Lindsay Barrett, Gilberto de la Nuez, Sun Ra and many others.

And featuring new writing from: Akin Adesokan, Moses Serubiri, Harmony Holiday, Semeneh Ayalew, Hassan Musa, Emmanuel Iduma, Michael McMillan, Dominique Malaquais and Cedric Vincent, Molefe Pheto, Ugochukwu-Smooth C. Nzewi, Hermano Penna, Alice Aterianus.
.

Published by Chimurenga and Afterall Books, in association with Asia Art Archive, the Center for Curatorial Studies, Bard College and RAW Material Company, 2019.


The FESTAC 77 publication is available for purchase through our online shop.

The post FESTAC 77 BOOK (Oct 2019) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/festac77/feed/ 0
Dakar https://chimurengachronic.co.za/installation_posts/dakar/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/installation_posts/dakar/#respond Tue, 23 Jul 2019 09:48:14 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=installation_posts&p=12305 “Angazi, but I’m sure” is a common South African phrase. In English it means: “I don’t know, but I am sure”. It is a deliberately self-contradictory phrase that is usually spoken in prelude to a reply -

The post Dakar first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
Shebeen as a school/ “Angazi, but I’m sure” April 3 – May 26 2017

“Angazi, but I’m sure” is a common South African phrase. In English it means: “I don’t know, but I am sure”. It is a deliberately self-contradictory phrase that is usually spoken in prelude to a reply – often, when one is asked for directions or facts. “Angazi, but I’m sure if you turn left you will get there”; “Angazi, but I’m sure they will start at 9pm”. The respondent is uncertain – of what they “know”. Or, perhaps, they are certain, but they do not know how to speak it. Or, they know, but do not know what they know. Sharing knowledge in this way requires mutual trust – it is speculation, in every sense of the word.

“Angazi, but I’m sure” is a break between our linguistic selves and a world, between knowledge and our ability to speak or map it – the knowledge that is elevated as finished product. The phrase suggests that arriving is as much about displacement as about place. More urgently, it affirms lived experience, improvisation and imagination as themselves forms of knowledge. It calls for a knowing through seeking and a constant transforming and renewing of our image of the world. Finally, it is an expression of community: “I know you will find the way”. 

How do we learn to know what we know? How can we draw from disparate and often intersecting practices through which we stylise our conduct and daily life on the continent? How do we harness the inventiveness, the generative resilience and the agility with which we live?

This requires not only a new set of questions, but its own set of tools; new practices and methodologies that allow us to engage the lines of flight, of fragility, the precariousness, as well as joy and creativity and beauty that define the contemporary African moment.

Chimurenga has long considered the shebeen (illegal drinking tavern) as a college of music. Can we draw on the improvisational, pedagogical method of black musics, where learning is collapsed into performing, and teachers and learners share the stage? How do we embrace knowledge not as information but as a methodology – a way of learning that expresses the conditions of our lives, our very existence. Can we take seriously food as knowledge, music as research and pan-Africanism as a practice? What if maps were made by Africans for their own use, to understand and make visible their own realities and imaginaries? What could the curriculum be – if it was designed by the people who dropped out of school so that they could breathe?

These are some of the queries this session will investigate, via the forms and media we use – such as cartography, comics, library-making, music, food, broadcasting and publishing, and in collaboration with Yemisi AribisalaNeo MuyangaJean-Pierre BekoloIbou FallDominique MalaquaisJihan el TahriKodwo EshunClapperton MavhungaPhilippe RekacewiczFelwine SarrLionel Manga, Victor Gama, Laila Soliman. 

The post Dakar first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/installation_posts/dakar/feed/ 0
UNIR CINéMA https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/unir-cinema/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/unir-cinema/#respond Fri, 12 Jul 2019 12:07:45 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=periodicals_posts&p=12000 Unir Cinéma: Revue du Cinéma Africain was the first periodical entirely devoted […]

The post UNIR CINéMA first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
Unir Cinéma: Revue du Cinéma Africain was the first periodical entirely devoted to African cinema to come out of Francophone Africa. First published in 1973 on a tight budget, this Senegalese magazine was typewritten and duplicated through offset printing. Despite its low production values, it established itself as an essential reference tool on cinema on the continent. Written by both Senegalese and French reviewers and published by the Catholic Information Center of the diocese of Saint Louis, it provided up to date filmographies of recent motion pictures as well as more detailed entries (including credits, filmmakers’ biographies, film summaries and critiques) of the most significant cinematographic works by African filmmakers.

Its detailed reports on film festivals throughout the world revealed the exposure and appreciation of African cinema on an international level, while its listings of places where African films have been or will be commercially exhibited attested to the scope of their circulation. Carefully prepared by-country dossiers revealed both the status of cinema in different regions and the efforts undertaken by local governments to promote the production and distribution of their films. While little effort was made to offer more in-depth critical insights into the thematics, aesthetics and ethics of African cinema, Unir Cinéma did furnish its readers with bibliographies of the latest articles on African cinema in international magazines and journals as well as the names of international periodicals with a serious interest in the critique of African films.


PEOPLE

Edited by Pere Jean Vast until 1996, later edited by Pere Joseph Lambrecht (1998-2000)

FAMILY TREE

  • Unir Cinéma was initially (from no. 1 to 35) a general periodical titled Unir (L’Echo de Saint-Louis). In 1973 it switched focus exclusively to film and continued as Unir Cinema: Revue Du Cinéma Africain.
  • Ecrans d’Afrique (Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, 1992)
  • Les 2 Ecrans: revue mensuelle de cinéma et de television (Zirout, Algiers, Algeria)

RE/SOURCES

  • Pfaff, Françoise. “Researching Africa on film”, Jump Cut, no. 31, March 1986, pp. 50, 57
  • Schmidt, Nancy J. “Review: Periodicals on African Film“, African Studies Review, Vol. 40, No. 1 (Apr., 1997), pp. 113-119
  • u début des cinémas d’Afrique, la revue Unir Cinéma et le centre de documentation du Père Jean Vast Entretien d’Olivier Barlet avec Jean Sarr, Saint-Louis du Sénégal
  • African Cinema: Politics & Culture By Manthia Diawara, Indiana University Press, 1992

The post UNIR CINéMA first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/unir-cinema/feed/ 0
The Chronic: Who Killed Kabila II https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/the-chronic-who-killed-kabila-now-out/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/the-chronic-who-killed-kabila-now-out/#respond Mon, 01 Apr 2019 08:07:33 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=12556 On January 16, 2001, in the middle of the day, shots are heard in the Palais de Marbre,the residence of President Laurent-Désiré Kabila. The road bordering the presidential residence, usually closed from 6pm by a simple guarded barrier is blocked by tanks. 

The post The Chronic: Who Killed Kabila II first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
On January 16, 2001, in the middle of the day, shots are heard in the Palais de Marbre,the residence of President Laurent-Désiré Kabila. The road bordering the presidential residence, usually closed from 6pm by a simple guarded barrier is blocked by tanks.

At the Ngaliema hospital in Kinshasa, a helicopter lands and a body wrapped in a bloody sheet is off loaded. Non-essential medical personnel and patients are evacuated and the hospital clinic is surrounded by elite troops. No one enters or leaves. RFI (Radio France Internationale) reports on a serious incident at the presidential palace in Kinshasa.

Rumor, the main source of information in the Congolese capital, is set in motion…  

18 years after the assassination of Laurent-Désiré Kabila, rumours still proliferate. Suspects include: the Rwandan government; the French; Lebanese diamond dealers; the CIA; Robert Mugabe; Angolan security forces; the apartheid-era Defence Force; political rivals and rebel groups; Kabila’s own kadogos (child soldiers); family members and even musicians.

The geopolitics of those implicated tells its own story; the event came in the middle of the so-called African World War, a conflict that involved multiple regional players, including, most prominently, Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe.

So, who killed Kabila? The new issue of the Chronic presents this query as the starting point for an in-depth investigation into power, territory and the creative imagination by writers from the Congo and other countries involved in the conflict.

The issue is the result of a three-year research project that included a 5-day intervention and installation at La Colonie (Paris), from December 13 – 17, 2017, which featured a live radio station and a research library, a conceptual inventory of the archive of this murder – all documented in a research catalogue.

As this research revealed, who killed Kabila is no mystery. It is not A or B or C. But rather A and B and C. All options are both true and necessary – it’s the coming together of all these individuals, groups and circumstances, on one day, within the proliferating course of the history, that does it.

Telling this story then, isn’t merely a matter of presenting multiple perspectives but rather of finding a medium able to capture the radical singularity of the event in its totality, including each singular, sometimes fantastical, historical fact, rumour or suspicion. We’ve heard plenty about the danger of the single story – in this issue we explore its power. We take inspiration from the Congolese musical imagination, its capacity for innovation and its potential to allow us to think “with the bodily senses, to write with the musicality of one’s own flesh.”

However, this editorial project doesn’t merely put music in context, it proposes music as the context, the paradigm for the writing. The single story we write borrows from the sebene – the upbeat, mostly instrumental part of Congolese rumba famously established by Franco (Luambo Makiadi), which consists in the lead guitarist playing short looping phrases with variations, supported or guided by the shouts of the atalaku (animateur) and driving, snare-based drumming.


The Invention of Africa by Franco & T.P.OK Jazz – Ntone Edjabe on the Pan African Space Station.



“Franco, c’est l’inventeur du sebene. Parce que… et à coté il y avait Nico Kasanda, le docteur Nico, qui lui avait plus de technique de guitare mais qui jouait très mélodique, et Luambo c’était le mec qui est vraiment le mec du quartier avec sa connaissance intuitive de la guitare il a inventé cet manière de faire des sorte de boucle rythmique. Sa manière de jouer c’est un boucle rythmique. Le même phrase rythmique qui revient tout le temps. Et c’est ça le sebene congolais. Et jusqu’à aujourd’hui nous fonctionnons par sebene. Même moi même.“


Interview on France Inter : « Le labo de Ray Lema du 16 mars 2014 »

Ray Lema shares more stories and sounds from his life in music with Bintou Simporé onboard the Pan African Space Station.
Recorded for PASS in Paris at the Fondation Cartier exhibition Beauté Congo – 1926-2015 – Congo Kitoko. For more visit http://panafricanspacestation.org.za

Similarly, to follow Ousmane Sembene’s method of using multi-location and polyphony as decolonial narrative tools, we invited writers from the countries directly involved and implicated in the events surrounding Kabila’s death (DR Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Angola, and a de-territorialised entity called AFDL) to write one story: the assassination of Kabila.

Working fluidly between fact and fiction, and featuring multiple forms of writing, the contributors – Yvonne Owuor, Antoine Vumilia Muhindo, Parselelo Kantai, Jihan El-Tahri, Daniel K. Kalinaki,  Kivu Ruhorahoza, Percy Zvomuya and Sinzo Aanza – use the event-scene of the shooting is their starting point to collectively tell the single story with its multiplication of plots and subplots that challenge history as a linear march, and tell not the sum but the derangement of its parts.

The issue thus performs an imaginative remapping that better accounts for the complex spatial, temporal, political, economic and cultural relations at play, as well the internal and external actors, organized into networks and nuclei – not only human actors but objects; music; images; texts, ghosts etc – and how these actors come together in time, space, relationships.

This edition of the Chimurenga Chronic is conceived as a sebene of the Congolese rumba – enjoy the dance!

The Chronic is a quarterly pan African gazette, published by Chimurenga.

This edition is part of a larger research project of the Chimurenga Library. It is produced with support from Heinrich Boll Foundation (Cape Town), and in collaboration with La Colonie (Paris), Cosmopolis Bienial/ Centre Pompidou (Paris), Marabouparken Konsthall (Stockholm) and Kalmar Konstmuseum.

For more information or to order your print or digital copy visit www.chimurengachronic.co.za and/or contact Chimurenga on +27(0)21 4224168 or info@chimurenga.co.za.

The post The Chronic: Who Killed Kabila II first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/the-chronic-who-killed-kabila-now-out/feed/ 0
Y MAGAZINE (THE FIRST 5 ISSUES) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/y-magazine-the-first-5-issues/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/y-magazine-the-first-5-issues/#respond Sat, 13 Jul 2019 12:09:33 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=periodicals_posts&p=12004  Born in 1998 out of a joint partnership between Studentwise, publishers of […]

The post Y MAGAZINE (THE FIRST 5 ISSUES) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
 Born in 1998 out of a joint partnership between Studentwise, publishers of white youth targeted SL Magazine and black youth targeted Johannesburg radio station YFM, Y Magazine was conceived as the new voice of the South Africa’s recently liberated black urban youth.

Published under the pay-off “Y – because I want to know”, it aimed to tap into the same market that made YFM the biggest regional station at the time. This was the so-called Y Generation, a “freedom’s children” that got to celebrate the liberation their parents fought so hard for. As poet Lebo Mashile explained: “if we were 20 or 30 in the 70’s and 80’s we would have been using everything we had to fight Apartheid… but now we have the freedom and space to do what we want with our talent and we have the ability to really manifest our dreams…”

Under founder editors S’busiso ‘The General’ Nxumalo and Itumeleng Mahabane, Y quickly came to encapsulate this spirit. Like YFM its emphasis was on urban street culture with a strong focus on the sounds of post-apartheid black South Africa especially Kwaito. Written in spoken English and drops of Scamto, it was filled with diverse youth interests without ever narrowing them down to just entertainment. From the relationship between kwaito’s apolitical, “hedonistic and flighty preoccupations” and President Thabo Mbeki’s macroeconomic ideology, to the politics of fashion and the aesthetic of struggle, Y Magazine was as one reader put it, “as rounded as Lil Kim’s ass”.

This radical challenge to the binary opposition political-apolitical placed Y a step or two ahead of other mainstream magazines, black and white. This also meant that corporate advertisers remained at arm’s length. Inevitably the magazine gave over to market pressures and changes at the radio station. Both Nxumalo and Mahabane stepped down as editors. Since then Y has continued under no less than eight different editors but it has never recaptured the idealism or attitude of those first few issues.



Forgive me if the facts are screwed, days were heady and chaotic. I think it was the late summer of 98 when it all started. In the precinct of Time Square, in Yeoville there was not much square and all the clocks had all stopped. That suited us fine, it was African time….

WHY: AN ESSAY BY NICOLE TURNER



PEOPLE

Sbusiso ‘The General’ Nxumalo, Nicole Turner, Sandile Dikeni, Itumeleng Mahabane, Lee Kasumba, Kgafela oa Magogodi, Kabomo Vilakazi, Kwame Moloko, Bongani Madondo, Gabeba Baderoon, Phaswane Mpe, Kabomo Vilakazi, Kojo Baffoe, Thami Masemola, Fungayi Kanyuchi, Rudeboy Paul Mnisi, Siphiwe Mpje, Fungayi Kanyuchi, Sbu Leope


FAMILY TREE

  • Drum Magazine (1951 – )
  • SL Magazine (1994 – )
  • Rage (1996 – )
  • Hype Magazine (2004 – )

RE/SOURCES

The post Y MAGAZINE (THE FIRST 5 ISSUES) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/y-magazine-the-first-5-issues/feed/ 0
Who Killed Kabila I https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/the-chimurenga-library-who-killed-kabila-catalogue-now-available/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/the-chimurenga-library-who-killed-kabila-catalogue-now-available/#respond Fri, 01 Dec 2017 08:12:16 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=12558 The Chimurenga Library is a research platform that seeks to re-imagine the library as a laboratory for extended curiosity, new adventures, critical thinking, daydreaming, socio-political involvement, partying and random perusal.

The post Who Killed Kabila I first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>

From December 13 – 17, 2017, Chimurenga installed a library of books, films, and visual material mapping extensive research that ask “Who Killed Kabila“, as the starting point for an in-depth investigation into power, territory and the creative imagination. This book catalogues all the research material produced and collected for this installation.

The equation is simple: the length of a Congolese president’s reign is proportional to his/her willingness to honour the principle that the resources of the Congo belong to others. Mzee Kabila failed.

Who killed Kabila is no mystery either. It is not A or B or C. But rather A and B and C. All options are both true and necessary – it’s the coming together of all these individuals, groups and circumstances, on one day, within the proliferating course of the history, that does it.

So telling this story isn’t merely be a matter of presenting multiple perspectives but rather of finding a medium able to capture the radical singularity of the event in its totality, including each singular, sometimes fantastical, historical fact, rumour or suspicion.

We’ve heard plenty about the danger of the single story – we want to explore its power. We take inspiration from the Congolese musical imagination, its capacity for innovation and its potential to allow us to think “with the bodily senses, to write with the musicality of one’s own flesh” (Mbembe).


The catalogue is now available for sale in the Chimurenga shop.

The post Who Killed Kabila I first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/the-chimurenga-library-who-killed-kabila-catalogue-now-available/feed/ 0
WIETIE https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/wietie/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/wietie/#respond Thu, 11 Jul 2019 12:08:56 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=periodicals_posts&p=12002 First published in 1980 by Christopher van Wyk and Fhazel Johennesse, Wietie […]

The post WIETIE first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
First published in 1980 by Christopher van Wyk and Fhazel Johennesse, Wietie provided a literary platform for the prevailing philosophy of Black Consciousness. It gave voice to a new generation of South African writers who saw their work not only as a critique on oppressive systems, but – like Black Power – as a weapon of transformation. In keeping with this, the magazine employed a language that was both literary and defiant. Openly declaring its commitment to the ‘communication of revolutionary writing,’ while also providing a space to explore the realities of everyday life under apartheid, it published fiction, poetry and prose that challenged the both the political, cultural and racial status. Combining wit and humour with openly political writing, Wietie did not survive long under the Apartheid administration. After the first issue was picked up by the police in February 1980, the censors banned it, first on the grounds of obscenity (specifically, they objected to the use of the word ‘fuck’ in the short story ‘Aunt Molly and the Girls’), then on the grounds of sedition. After Wietie was forced to close down, Christopher van Wyk returned to Staffrider to become chief editor.



PEOPLE

Christopher van Wyk, Fhazel Johennesse, Omar Badsha, Peter Clarke, Bessie Head, Achmat Dangor, Peter Wilhem, Biddy Crewe

FAMILY TREE

  • The Classic (1970)
  • Donga (1976)
  • Medupe (1977)
  • Inspan (1978)
  • Staffrider (1978)
  • Stet (1982)
  • Botsotso (1994)

RE/SOURCES

  • Michael Chapman (ed), Soweto poetry, McGraw-Hill, Johannesburg; New York, 1982.
  • Peter D. McDonald, The Literature Police: Apartheid Censorship and its Cultural Consequences, Oxford University Press, 2009

The post WIETIE first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/periodicals_posts/wietie/feed/ 0
PASS LANDING AT LA COLONIE, PARIS https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-la-colonie-paris/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-la-colonie-paris/#respond Wed, 13 Dec 2017 12:09:03 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=pass_pop_up&p=12485 Chimurenga returned to Paris for a 5-day intervention and installation at La Colonie. From December 13 – 17, 2017,

The post PASS LANDING AT LA COLONIE, PARIS first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
Chimurenga returned to Paris for a 5-day intervention and installation at La Colonie. From December 13 – 17, 2017, we installed a live radio station and a research library, and hosted talks, screenings and performances that asked ‘Who Killed Kabila?’, as the starting point for an in-depth investigation into power, territory and the creative imagination.

The equation was simple: the length of a Congolese president’s reign is proportional to his/her willingness to honour the principle that the resources of the Congo belong to others. Mzee Kabila failed.

Who killed Kabila is no mystery either. It is not A or B or C. But rather A and B and C. All options are both true and necessary – it’s the coming together of all these individuals, groups and circumstances, on one day, within the proliferating course of the history, that does it.

So telling this story isn’t merely be a matter of presenting multiple perspectives but rather of finding a medium able to capture the radical singularity of the event in its totality, including each singular, sometimes fantastical, historical fact, rumour or suspicion.

We’ve heard plenty about the danger of the single story – we want to explore its power. We take inspiration from the Congolese musical imagination, its capacity for innovation and its potential to allow us to think “with the bodily senses, to write with the musicality of one’s own flesh” (Mbembe).

At La ColonieChimurenga installed a library that included books, films, and visual material mapping extensive research that investigates history and changing formations of rule and accumulation, space and territory, allegiance, citizenship, and sovereignty, and the African imagination in music and writing.

Each day, the Pan Africa Space Station, broadcast live with a programme of interviews, discussions and performances by collaborators from around the world including musicians, DJs, journalists, writers, political theorists, thinkers and filmmakers. After the event, the sounds and images generated in this process will contribute towards a special edition of our Pan African broadsheet, the Chronic.

Participants included Dominique MalaquaisParselelo KantaiPhilou LozoulouYvonne Adhiambo OwuorBarly Baruti, Victor GamaLulendo MvuluDéo NamujimboLuigi ElonguiMaurice PotoMengi MassambaHugo MendezJihan El-TahriBintou SimporeMartin MeissonnierPaulo InglêsFranck BiyongRay LemaBrice AhounouNadine FidjiSpiluluArnaud ZaitjmanJulie PeghiniSinzo AanzaKoba LubakiPercy ZvomuyaBoddhi SatvaAbdourahman WaberiAntoine Vumilia MuhindoSam Tshintu & AcademiaTrésor KibangulaBullitKovo NSondéRokia Bamba-MennessierEmmanuel NashiFranck LeiboviciJulien SeroussiDaniel KalinakiPascale OboloKivu RuhorahozaJacques Goba, Mo Laudi, Michelange Quay.

The post PASS LANDING AT LA COLONIE, PARIS first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-la-colonie-paris/feed/ 0
Chimurenganyana: The Night Moses Died by Nicole Turner (June 2012) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/15301/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/15301/#respond Thu, 31 May 2012 15:04:01 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=15301 “Sleeking through the night city towards Hillbrow, it was Thapelo who asked […]

The post Chimurenganyana: The Night Moses Died by Nicole Turner (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
“Sleeking through the night city towards Hillbrow, it was Thapelo who asked where we were going and why”. Photographs by Pete Williams, Peter McKenzie

The post Chimurenganyana: The Night Moses Died by Nicole Turner (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/15301/feed/ 0
Idia Tales: Three Takes and a Mask* https://chimurengachronic.co.za/idia-tales-three-takes-and-a-mask/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/idia-tales-three-takes-and-a-mask/#respond Mon, 18 Oct 2021 17:31:39 +0000 https://chimurengachronic.co.za/?p=18676 By Dominique Malaquais and Cedric Vincent

The post Idia Tales: Three Takes and a Mask* first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
by Dominique Malaquais and Cedric Vincent

I. Into the Echo Chamber

Consider Idia:  iy’oba, queen mother to oba Esigie, ruler of the Benin kingdom in the first half of the 1500s. Logo and celebration, advert and call to arms all rolled into one, four decades and two years on, her likeness, patterned on a 16th century ivory pendant looted by colonial troops and held at the British Museum, stands for FESTAC. Tales of Lagos in 1977 – of the lead-up to the festival, the thick of its month-long roll-out, of its aftermath – echo with her presence. Appropriated, re-appropriated, invoked, depicted, replicated, imagined and re-imagined over and over again by a web of actors stretching from Nigeria to the United Kingdom, the US and beyond, her image is akin to a leitmotiv. It is everywhere, repeating.

Consider Dakar. 1966. FESTAC was a distant possibility. And yet there was Idia, deployed by the Nigerian government, much as she would be eleven years later, as a symbol of its investment in pan-African endeavors. Setting: the First World Festival of Negro Arts (FESMAN), hosted, in ’66, by Léopold Sédar Senghor’s Senegal. Over the course of nearly a month, from April 1to 24 of that year, tens of national delegations, hundreds of artists and thousands of spectators from across the African and Atlantic worlds converged on Dakar in a hybrid celebration of Negritude and pan-African ideals. Nigeria was the festival’s official guest of honor. In this context, a vast contingent of artists (painters and sculptors, performers, musicians and writers) flew in from Lagos. On printed material produced at the time of the festival by the Nigerian Federal Ministry of Information, the pendant in the British Museum takes pride of place. It adorns the cover of a 40-page FESMAN special edition of the magazine Nigeria Today titled Our Cultural Heritage.

The Idia-bedecked special issue served two purposes. At the same time as it celebrated the glory of Nigeria’s past, it highlighted colonial thefts of artwork embodying this past. In this latter regard, it spoke to – and may well have been meant as a direct indictment of – one of FESMAN’s pivotal events, a wide-ranging exhibition titled Art nègre:  sources, évolution, expansion that Senghor himself had overseen and housed in a purpose-built museum. This show, which traveled to Paris’s Grand Palais following its Dakar run, highlighted important works of classical African art. Pieces hailing from the Benin kingdom featured prominently. Of the Idia pendant, however, there was no sign. The cover of the magazine called stark attention to this absence and, in the process, to the fact that many of Africa’s finest works of historical art, because they had been looted, were not available for viewing on the continent.

This had been a key issue in the run-up to the festival. Numerous works included in Art nègre hailed from Western art institutions. In order to make this possible, Senghor had dispatched emissaries to Europe and North America. Even as the latter were calling on curators from New York to Paris, London and Berlin, voices were being raised on the continent, demanding the return of Africa’s looted art. This was so even among Senghor’s allies. In January 1965, Beninois poet and journalist Paulin Joachim, an adept of the Senegalese president’s Negritude philosophy, penned a scathing editorial on the subject. Titled “Rendez-nous l’art nègre” (“Give Us Back Negro Art”), it appeared in Bingo, a Dakar-based magazine widely read across Francophone West Africa. Such demands sparked panic in Western haute culture circles, prompting Senghor himself to personally vouch for the safe return of objects lent from abroad. This is attested to by a letter dated 6 August 1965, addressed by Senegal’s ambassador in France, Médoune Fall, to the exhibit’s head curators, Beninois ethnographer Alexandre Adandé and French museographer Georges-Henri Rivière:

Having been informed of hesitations on the part of certain museums and collectors regarding the loan of works for the Dakar and Paris iterations of the Art nègre exhibition, [the] President … has entrusted me with extending to you his most formal assurances. Absolutely no claims will be tolerated on the occasion of the World Festival of Negro Arts, an event we are determined will stand as a beacon of international cooperation and interracial understanding, in the service of human friendship and the prestige of “Negritude.”

All loan requests, moreover, were accompanied by a printed statement to this same effect.

At much the same time, behind closed doors, internal memoranda show, the Nigerian delegation to FESMAN was emitting doubts about allowing objects in its national collections to travel to Paris for the Grand Palais leg of Art nègre. Why, the head of its Antiquities Department wanted to know, should museums on the continent lend works of African art to Europe when the latter already held so many in their collections? Why too should it do so when institutions particularly rich in this regard – the British Museum, most notably – were unwilling to consider reciprocal loan agreements allowing Africans unable to travel outside the continent to become acquainted with their own heritage? The official asking these pointed questions was Kenneth Murray, founder of the National Museum in Lagos. A staunch defender of the notion that Nigeria’s heritage (or, in any event, certain pivotal elements thereof) belonged in Nigeria, as early as the 1940s, Murray had (unsuccessfully) sought to repatriate to its country of origin another Idia pendant, looted at the same time as the British Museum carving – a closely related piece that would eventually make its way to the United States, first into the Nelson Rockefeller collection, then the Museum of Primitive Art and, eventually, the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Though the pendant itself does not come up in the aforementioned memoranda, the questions raised by Murray in the context of FESMAN had, for years, been the focus of intense debate at ICOM (the International Council of Museums, a non-governmental organization closely linked to UNESCO). This too is addressed in FESMAN internal memos, notably by Art nègre curator Rivière, who served as president of ICOM from 1948 to 1965. These very same issues, as well as those raised in Joachim’s editorial, were addressed yet again at another major, pre-FESTAC gathering on the continent:  the First Pan-African Cultural Festival, held in Algiers in 1969. Speech after speech given during the several-day symposium that introduced the festival circled back to the matter, culminating in a manifesto calling for “all steps necessary to be taken, including by way of international organizations, to retrieve the objects and archives pillaged by colonial forces.” One such initiative was launched a few years later, by none other than Mobutu Sese Seko. In 1973, the Zairian leader gave a widely relayed speech before the United Nations General Assembly, demanding the repatriation of Africa’s heritage and the condemnation of its colonial looters. Two years later, the Nigerian government brought the matter of the British Museum pendant before UNESCO:  on the occasion of FESTAC, it wished to see the carving returned to Lagos. For upon it was modeled the festival’s emblem:  Nigeria’s homing call to all of Africa and the Black world beyond.

As the foregoing suggests, Nigeria’s demand that the pendant make its way back to the continent in honor of and in time for FESTAC built on ample precedent. The British Museum claimed otherwise and, to this position, held hard and fast, willfully ignoring two decades of activism and more in quest of Idia’s return. The queen mother, it insisted, would remain in London.

II. Diplomatic Bomb:  A story in two parts

Dakar Object(ion)s

The choice to pattern the FESTAC emblem on the British Museum Idia pendant reads as an explicit rebuke of ideas undergirding Senghor’s 1966 festival. On the occasion of the Dakar event, Lagos had been officially designated as the site of the second FESMAN. As far as the Senegalese president was concerned, the Nigerian iteration of the festival would take up where his paean had left off:  it too would be a celebration of Negritude. Initially, things looked set for just such a continuation, with a significant Senegalese presence on the FESTAC organizing committee, most notably by Alioune Diop, founder of the renowned Paris-based Présence Africaine publishing house and linchpin of the Dakar venture, in the role of Secretary General. Soon, however, rifts began appearing, with Senegal and Nigeria both vying for ideological control of the committee. As historian Andrew Apter notes, one of the first major disagreements between the two countries centered on the new festival’s emblem. Determined that Senghor’s trademark philosophy be retained as the pivot of the Lagos gathering, the Senegalese contingent fully expected that the logo used to publicize the 1966 event would be adopted by Nigeria. According to its designer, Senegalese artist Ibou Diouf, the graphic was an incarnation of “Negro art” as celebrated by Senghor – that is as a “une source jaillissante qui ne tarit pas: un élément essentiel de la Civilisation de l’Universel qui s’élabore, sous nos yeux, par nous et pour nous, par tous et pour tous.” As such, it stood for aspects of Senghorian philosophy by then actively rejected across the Anglophone-Francophone intellectual spectrum – notably its reliance on European Modernist thought and its claims to universal applicability. The latter, however, was precisely what Diouf had in mind:  the design, he later explained, was a direct reference to writings by Senghor and his close friend French intellectual and statesman André Malraux, well known for his purple eulogies of universalist thought. For several committee members, this was unacceptable. As far as they were concerned, Diouf’s emblem, which they likened to a “totem,” “did not represent Black culture in a proper manner.”   

Intent on doing away with the offending insignia, over vociferous Senegalese opposition, in February 1973 the committee called on members to collect “suggestions regarding a suitable [alternative] motif.” In March, the committee gathered again to consider proposals. Heated exchanges ensued, with no agreement reached and worries raised the matter might tear the group apart. Calling for calm, the East Africa contingent proposed that “the question be shelved until experts from various zones had requested artists to design something acceptable to the majority.” Even that seemed too optimistic. The meeting adjourned with a decision that “the President should consult … with high authorities and report to the Committee as soon as practicable.” The issue of the emblem had become a diplomatic bomb.

In short order – surprisingly, given what seemed to be a complete impasse – the committee announced that it had come to a decision: the British Museum’s Idia pendant (identified in a memorandum as “the royal ivory of Benin”) would serve as FESTAC’s emblem. What happened to alter the situation has yet to be established. Possibly the Senegalese contingent was convinced to abandon its demands. Plausibly it was placated by the choice of an emblem drawn from an artistic tradition – that of the Benin kingdom – which Negritude philosophy celebrated, alongside the arts of ancient Ife, as an incarnation of Africa’s greatness. Most likely, Senegal’s objections were summarily brushed aside, foreshadowing deeper rifts to come between Dakar and Lagos – rifts that would culminate, in July 1976, with Alioune Diop being ejected from the committee by the Nigerian government.  

While, apparently, a final decision as to the emblem had been made by 1973, how precisely the latter would be rendered – what form FESTAC’s logo would take and, thus, how exactly the event would be branded – took some time to establish. This is suggested by the production and dissemination, ahead of the festival, of competing (or in any event radically different) publicity materials. A case in point is a promotional badge made in 1975. Several successive dates were announced for the festival – 1970, 1974, 1975 and, ultimately 1977 – the various adjournments a result of civil war, two coups d’état, stratospheric graft and assorted logistical delays. Two dates were considered for 1975:  January-February and November-December. For the latter, badges were manufactured. On these a logo appears that is thoroughly unlike the one that would eventually be chosen. Over a map of Africa colored white, a schematically drawn mask is superimposed alongside a Nigerian flag. Although the resemblance is at very best approximate, it seems likely that the mask is meant to depict the Idia pendant. Possibly, the design seen here was an artist rendering submitted by one of the zones. In any event, by 1977 there was no longer any evidence of this version of the logo and, even as it was being circulated in 1975, so too were pamphlets featuring the logo that, to this day, symbolizes FESTAC: a medallion at whose center sits an immediately recognizable image of the British Museum pendant, framed by an oval of stylized typeface spelling out the name of the festival. 

Most often, as was the case with the motif on the short-lived 1975 badge, logos in the 1970s were rendered graphically. For the pendant medallion, the FESTAC committee proceeded differently:  instead of commissioning a drawing or diagram, it chose to reproduce a photograph. Tracing the itinerary of this photograph – where it originated and how it came to be chosen by the FESTAC committee – brings us back in time and, simultaneously, sets the stage for a second diplomatic row. 

The photograph was the same one exactly as had appeared a decade earlier on the FESMAN issue of Nigeria Today:  a dramatically lit black and white image, with bands of deep shadow extending diagonally across Queen Idia’s forehead. The decision to use this particular image rather than another, less theatrical one, reflects affinities within cultural and intellectual circles in Nigeria during the 1960s and 70s. The source of the image was the cover illustration of a 1960 publication titled Benin Art, with illustrations by a renowned photographer/designer duo, Czech brothers Werner and Bedrich Forman, and text by anthropologist Philip Dark. Benin Art was advertised as the first book to come out on the subject since 1919 – that is, since Die Altertümer von Benin (“The Antiquities of Benin”), by Felix von Luschan, a curator at the Berlin Ethnographic Museum. In all likelihood, the Forman/Dark publication circulated widely in Nigeria among classical art aficionados – a circle that would have included at least two central figures in the FESMAN/FESTAC use of the Idia pendant. Dark wrote the text while in Nigeria, where, from 1958 to 1960, he held the post of Senior Researcher at the West African Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of Ibadan, in the institute’s Benin History Scheme. This was right around the time that Kenneth Murray was founding the National Museum in Lagos. It was also right around then that Nigeria Today was promoting to the post of editor-in-chief writer Onuora Nzekwu, the man responsible for putting the Idia pendant on the magazine’s cover in 1966. Without a doubt, Dark, Murray and Nzekwu knew of one another and, most probably, they were personally acquainted. As Deputy Director of the Federal Ministry of Information in Lagos, a post he took on in 1970, Nzekwu, moreover, would certainly have been in contact with members of the FESTAC organizing committee. Still another actor he would have known well, who played key roles in both FESMAN and FESTAC, was Erhabor Emokpae (1934-1984); a celebrated Benin-based artist, Emokpae (of whom more later) saw his work exhibited at both festivals and is said by some to have been the person who recommended the British Museum Idia pendant as FESTAC emblem in the first place.

As all of this suggests, the advent of the British Museum Idia pendant as FESTAC emblem was no serendipity. This, however, was not how the museum saw things. For the London institution, the FESTAC committee’s choice of model for its logo and, in its wake, the Nigerian authorities’ demand that the pendant be returned, were wholly arbitrary. If Idia it had to be, the museum argued, all fine and well, but there were other pendants Nigeria could consider – notably the one on view in New York, at the Museum of Primitive Art.

London Object(ion)s

There are a variety of ways in which the story of Nigeria’s quest to repatriate the British Museum pendant for FESTAC can be told. One involves a chronological, blow-by-blow account of the back and forth exchanges between various parties to the matter, focusing on claims and counterclaims. Another take, more complicated given the time that has elapsed since April 1974, when the first suggestion that the pendant should be returned was received by the museum, centers on oral accounts. Here, we propose a third way of approaching the story:  a spotlight on a peculiar object produced by the British Museum in response to Nigeria’s call for the pendant’s repatriation.

In the museum’s archives, in a file titled “Idia queen mother ivory mask – restitution, FESTAC, etc.,” is a small sheet of paper of the kind used to write internal office memoranda. At top are printed the words Ethnography Department of the British Museum and, immediately below, in smaller typeface, “To” and “From”. Scribbled next to “To” is the name Malcolm and, after “From,” the name John and a date:  17.10.77. Malcolm is Malcolm McLeod, Keeper, from 1974 to 1990, of the Department of Ethnography of the Museum of Mankind (where the pendant was kept at the time) and John is John Picton, Deputy Keeper (1974-1979). A sentence follows: “The last time Ekpo Eyo [Director of Nigeria’s Federal Department of Antiquities, 1968-1979] was here he had no doubt that to present the replica would be regarded as highly insulting.” The replica in question is the peculiar object with which we are concerned here.

By September 1974, the trustees of the British Museum had made it clear that, under no circumstances, would they acquiesce to the return of the Idia pendant, whether permanently or even in the form of a loan. The reason invoked was threefold:  deaccession was forbidden by the institution’s statutes, making a permanent return impossible; the carving was too fragile to travel to Nigeria, precluding a loan; in any event (as previously noted), there were other collections from which Nigeria could borrow an Idia pendant. The trustees, however, were not the only party involved on the British side of the argument. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office as well was quite interested in negotiations surrounding the pendant’s return. For the FCO, the matter raised important diplomatic considerations. Of particular concern were potential arms sales by London to Lagos, an ongoing dispute opposing British Petroleum to the Nigerian tax authorities, and the significant weight that Nigeria carried among the so-called Sterling Area countries. The Idia dispute, the FCO feared, ran the risk of negatively impacting each one of these larger geopolitical issues. For a second time, the pendant had become a diplomatic bomb.

If the British Museum trustees were under the impression that their refusal would bring the matter of return to a close, they were mistaken. Pressed by the Nigerian authorities, as late as the Fall of 1976 the FCO was attempting to convince the museum to loan the pendant. By then, Lagos had given up on the idea of a permanent return and – with impressive restraint, under the circumstances – was “appeal[ing] to the understanding of Her Majesty’s Government for co-operation in the success of the Festival” by allowing the Idia carving to travel to Nigeria for the duration of FESTAC “as a practical demonstration of good-will.” The museum, however, was unmoved and, shortly after receiving yet another entreaty from the FCO, put out a press release officially stating its (op)position.  `

It is in this context – a few weeks after the press release was drafted – that the idea Ekpo Eyo found so insulting emerged:  in lieu of the pendant itself, the Nigerian government would be presented with a replica. Originally floated by the board of trustees, the notion was quickly adopted by the FCO. This was not the first time the museum had considered producing a copy of a Benin object. In one of its early attempts to convince the museum to return the Idia pendant, the FCO had mentioned a plan with which it was toying:  a bid to convince the queen of England to repatriate to Nigeria a pair of ivory and brass leopards in her collection, which, at the time, were on permanent loan to the British Museum. Presumably, the underlying argument was that if, to political ends, Buckingham Palace could be talked into restituting the leopards, surely the museum might be convinced to do the same with the pendant. The museum’s response (discussed in internal memoranda) was to envisage an arrangement that would allow it to retain one of the leopards:  “In the view of the Keeper of Ethnography [McLeod], the proper course … would be to make replicas of the two leopards, and to arrange for one original and one replica to be shown in London and Nigeria.” Whether Nigeria would have been open to such a handling of its heritage does not appear to have been considered. Nor, it seems, was the question of Nigeria’s potential response to being presented with a copy of the Idia pendant.

Once it had received the FCO’s go-ahead – “I am grateful to the Trustees for their offer to let the Nigerians have a copy of the Mask,” wrote, without a hint of irony, the FCO’s Under-Secretary to the Chairman of the board – the museum proceeded to address ways of making the replica. Initially, the idea had been to craft a freehand copy. Shortly, however, it emerged that this would be impossible; instead, against the better judgement of McLeod and several board members, all of whom felt the pendant’s surface was too fragile for such treatment, it was decided to cast a mold. A coat of lacquer would be spread over the pendant to protect it during the process and removed post-molding; as for the replica, this would be made of resin. The task was entrusted to Derrick Giles, of the museum’s Facsimile Service – by all accounts a remarkable conservator. So successful in the eyes of the trustees was his replica that it earned him not one but two letters of thanks from the museum’s highest echelons.

The second letter to Giles, signed by none other than the museum’s director, reads as follows:

Mr. David Owen, the Foreign Secretary, has asked me to write and express his great appreciation of all the work you put into making the copy of the Benin ivory mask earlier this year. He regrets that political circumstances at present make it impossible for him to present the mask to the Nigerians, but he hopes that on a future occasion he will be able to do so.

As these lines suggest, it had belatedly dawned on the British government that its Nigerian counterpart might not – to put it mildly – find solace in a copy. Of particular interest here is the fact that both of the letters to Giles, as well as the memorandum quoted earlier relaying Ekpo Eyo’s appalled response, postdate FESTAC:  the first was written on 29 July 1977 and the second on 11 October. Well after the festival had come to an end, the pendant bomb was still ticking.

The replica was not ready in time for FESTAC. Museum records show it was crafted by Giles between 3 and 15 June 1977 – a full five months after the event. Why this was remains unclear. What is clear is that, in at least two instances after the festival, the FCO attempted to present the copy to representatives of the Nigerian government. To no avail:  they were not interested in so much as discussing the subject. One instance verges on the comical. In June 1977, London hosted the Commonwealth Meeting, bringing together 26 heads of government from across the Anglophone world. In this context, Owen raised the matter of the replica with Brigadier Joseph Garba, the Nigerian Commissioner for Foreign Affairs. He was met with stony silence. A related suggestion – that the FCO seek out for Nigeria an alternative pendant rumored to be in private British hands – was met with equal silence, or, as one memorandum put it, “studious avoidance.”

In the face of Nigeria’s steadfast refusal to engage, the FCO finally backed down; the replica would not be presented:

The Nigerians [wrote Owen to the chairman of the museum’s board of trustees] have been given two chances to show interest in the replica and have not done so. If we now offer to present it a third time, we would risk resuscitating the whole issue … [T]he Nigerians might use the existence of the replica as an excuse for reopening the campaign for the return of the Mask, proposing that the Museum keep the replica and return the original.

But that was not all:

The suggestion that our replica should be handed over [Owen added] might also be regarded as reflecting on [Nigeria’s] own craftsmen, since before the Festival opened a replica made by local carvers was presented, with much publicity, to the organisers and hailed in the local press as even better than the original.

Here, indeed, was a new wrinkle:  while the British were weighing the pros and cons of their copy, another replica had emerged … in Nigeria.

III. Nigeria Repli(cat)es

As 1976 drew to a close, in Benin City, oba Akenzua II (r. 1933-1978) commissioned from local artists a replica of the British Museum pendant. On 3 January 1977, during a ceremony held at Dodan military barracks in Lagos, the replica was presented to Nigeria’s head of state, Lieutenant General Olusegun Obasanjo, by Commodore Husaini Abdullahi, the governor of Bendel Province (home to Benin City). Present as well were FESTAC president Commandant Ochegomie Promise Fingesi and several representatives from the Ministry of Chieftaincy Affairs and Culture. Upon receiving the new carving, reported journalist Bayo Rotibi in the Lagos Daily Times, Obasanjo remarked that, clearly, it “showed … the grandchildren of the great artists of Benin were capable of creating pieces of art just as their forefathers.”

Rotibi’s article came out on 4 January. In the following days, Obasanjo’s remark was taken up and amplified in the press. On 6 January, an article in the Daily Times presented the new carving as a “recreation,” suggesting an equivalence between the original and the copy. Then came an opinion piece, also in the Daily Times, arguing for its superiority:

It is magnificent, it is even better than the old mask which has been haunting our sleep and disturbing our waking hours.

In a letter to the editor, the notion of superiority was amped up further still:

[The] replica if of a much higher monetary value than the one pinched years ago and it is hoped that our Department of Antiquities realizes this pricelessness and will therefore safeguard it from being stolen.

Hyperbole? Certainly. These successive statements, however, also – and more importantly – highlight a fundamental difference in approach between Nigerian and British actors involved in the former’s quest to return the Idia pendant to its home of origin and the latter’s sustained efforts to prevent this. For the British, without a doubt only one object held value:  the original. For their Nigerian counterparts, the notion of originality, as well as that of value, were both more elastic and significantly more complex.

Unlike the resin replica produced by the British Museum, the Nigerian replica was not intended to be an exact copy. In the absence of access to the original, it was clear from the beginning that the artist(s) commissioned by the oba would have to work from photographic reproductions – in particular, a British Museum postcard, which provided the pendant’s dimensions – and that this would have a material impact on the finished product. As the postcard (and related photographs in publications) provided a frontal view only, it would be impossible to reproduce exactly aspects of the pendant requiring a side or a rear view. This working method was detailed in newspaper accounts of the period and is visible in the resulting carving, on view, today, at the National Museum in Lagos. Two key differences obtain:  the coiffure is not the same (in the British Museum original and resin copy alike, it has three tiers, while in the Nigerian copy it has two, for only two are visible in head-on shots) and the rear (invisible in the postcard) is not handled in the same way. The Nigerian carving was meant to depart from the British Museum original in another respect as well. The latter’s coiffure is damaged. Whereas the resin copy reproduces this damage, the Nigerian replica does not. It restores what has been lost. Also restored, at the base of the forehead, are two vertical inlaid bands that have gone missing in the original (and thus in the resin copy as well).

Very clearly, the Nigerian replica was meant to repair – repair, that is, in the sense of fix (from the Latin repararere [again] + parare [make ready]) and in the sense of return (from the Old French repairer [return to one’s country] and, previously, the Latin repatriare). From this dual intent results an object that is not so much a replica as a replication:  a reply and an echo. It exists because of the original, to which it speaks, but departs from it. Too, it is in dialogue with still other objects, which echo it, transforming it further.

The British Museum (and, along with it, the FCO) saw the pendant’s return in the form of a replica as a simple matter of substitution; the Nigerian authorities took a quite different view. Rather than a one-for-one replacement, they opted for restoration by way of multiplicity. Instead of one carving patterned on the original, they commissioned two – the copy ordered by Akenzua II and a second one made at the direction of the Federal Ministry of Information.  To effect this work, they called not on one or even on two carvers, but on an entire Benin-based team. While, in the end, much of the project was undertaken by two men – Joseph Alufa Igbinovia and Emoruyi Omoregie – press and scholarly sources point to the involvement of at least six practitioners, including, in a supervisory role, Felix Idubor (1928-1991), a well-known artist whose work had been exhibited at the First World Festival of Negro Arts. Still another artist involved was Erhabor Emokpae, who had also shown in Dakar and whom we met earlier. Emokpae was put in charge of designing the décor of all FESTAC venues. In this capacity, in a flourish of conspicuous consumption echoing that of the event as a whole, he flooded Lagos with images of the logo. In front of key buildings and on the inside as well, on his orders massive medallions were installed. One, multiple times a grown man’s height, was mounted on a revolving, totem-like construction; others, several feet tall and rendered in gold and black, stood still. At Emokpae’s behest too, flags and giant textile banners bearing the image of the pendant lined avenues, stadiums and parade grounds. Present as well were a host of smaller versions of the logo. These appeared, en masse, on pamphlets, programs, tickets and posters, as well as on badges and T-Shirts, caps, cups, bags and even toilet paper manufactured by companies deputized by the organizing committee. Souvenir jewelry, some of it silver, some of it plated in gold, ashtrays, keychains and pennants adorned with the logo were available for sale across town. Banks and shoe manufacturers, department stores and breweries incorporated the logo into their newspaper advertisements. Idia was everywhere – including on 1 Naira bills, introduced four years earlier, in the run-up to the festival.

Filled with renderings of the FESTAC logo large and small, photographic views of Lagos during the festival read as a city-wide exercise in virtual repatriation. Brimming with depictions of the carving held hostage by the British Museum, entire swaths of the urban landscape respond to its absence with a surfeit of presence. The sense is of an all-encompassing call and response campaign aimed at bringing Idia home.

So effective did this campaign prove that, in short order, the distance between the FESTAC logo and the original it was meant to replicate had collapsed. In a telling turn of phrase to this effect, a January 1977 article in the Nigerian press refers to the British Museum pendant as “the FESTAC symbol.” Another article, published at about the same time, is accompanied by two photographs – of the original and the Igbinovia copy – labeled in such a manner that it is exceedingly difficult to establish which is which. In a mix of slippage, overlap and deliberate confusion, the original has become the replica and the replica the original. Or, yet again, each has become the other, such that the two, in fine, are one, available for replication ad infinitum.

*** Part restitution of looted, centuries-old heritage and part conspicuous consumption fueled by a booming petro-Naira, the flood of Idia images that attended FESTAC constituted a potent decolonial move and a brilliant branding project all at once. Untethered from its home in captivity and replicated over and over again in the land of its ancestors, Idia was deployed by the Nigerian government to tell a very particular story:  the story of a nation destined to act as a beacon for all Black people and as the economic powerhouse of a global South shorn of its colonial shackles. Recast as a clarion call to the oppressed by a military dictatorship in thrall to the capitalist system undergirding this selfsame oppression, she emerged as a powerful tool of hegemony in the hands of the Obasanjo regime. Rarely has instrumentalization of art to political ends been handled with such brio.


* These pages draw extensively on documents conserved at the Archives des Musées Nationaux (Paris), the British Museum (London), the Center for Black and African Arts and Civilization (Lagos), the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (London) and UNESCO (Paris). Too, they are indebted to research published by Andrew Apter, Barbara Blackmun, Felicity Bodenstein, dele jegede, Flora Edouwaye S. Kaplan, Peju Layiwola, David Murphy, Maureen Murphy, Joseph Nevadomsky, Chika Okeke-Agulu, Barbara Plankensteiner and Jerome S. Sandler. Our thanks to Felicity Bodenstein, James Hamill, Dunja Herzog and Joseph Nevadomsky, who generously shared with us their knowledge, views and time. 


This piece features in the Festac 77 publication. To purchase in print head to our online shop.

The post Idia Tales: Three Takes and a Mask* first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/idia-tales-three-takes-and-a-mask/feed/ 0
Chimurenganyana: Rumblin’ by Dominique Malaquais (June 2012) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-rumbling-by-dominique-malaquais-june-2012/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-rumbling-by-dominique-malaquais-june-2012/#respond Wed, 30 May 2012 15:16:30 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=15316 A text and image reflection on the “Rumble in the Jungle”, the […]

The post Chimurenganyana: Rumblin' by Dominique Malaquais (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
A text and image reflection on the “Rumble in the Jungle”, the Muhammad Ali / George Foreman boxing match held in Kinshasa in 1974. Norman Mailer started The Fight, Dominique Malaquais punched back. Artwork by Kakudji.

The post Chimurenganyana: Rumblin' by Dominique Malaquais (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-rumbling-by-dominique-malaquais-june-2012/feed/ 0
San Francisco https://chimurengachronic.co.za/installation_posts/san-francisco/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/installation_posts/san-francisco/#respond Tue, 23 Jul 2019 09:37:19 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=installation_posts&p=12294 Presented as part of the exhibition Public Intimacy, Chimurenga Library offered a simple system that allowed visitors to connect various items in the stacks at the main branch of the San Francisco Public Library

The post San Francisco first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>

Presented as part of the exhibition Public Intimacy, Chimurenga Library offered a simple system that allowed visitors to connect various items in the stacks at the main branch of the San Francisco Public Library in a way that generates different narratives, with a focus on the work of African American artists, writers, and performers who participated in pan-African festivals of the 1960s and 1970s.

The installation and research project included a panel discussion focusing on the legacy of FESTAC ’77, a cultural event that was held in Lagos, Nigeria, in 1977 and remains the largest pan-African arts festival that has ever taken place. Featured speakers included Andrew Apter of UCLA, and Akin Adesokan of the University of Indiana at Bloomington.


Follow the project Tumbr: http://chimurengalibrary.tumblr.com/

The post San Francisco first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/installation_posts/san-francisco/feed/ 0
PASS LANDING AT MUSEO TAMAYO, MEXICO CITY https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-museo-tamayo-mexico-city/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-museo-tamayo-mexico-city/#respond Wed, 04 Oct 2017 12:45:49 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=pass_pop_up&p=14777 From 4 October – 26 November 2017, the Pan African Space Station (PASS) broadcast LIVE from Museo Tamayo, Mexico City.

The post PASS LANDING AT MUSEO TAMAYO, MEXICO CITY first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
From 4 October – 26 November 2017, the Pan African Space Station (PASS)  broadcast LIVE from Museo Tamayo, Mexico City. For 8 weeks, the PASS studio functioned as “ecole du soir” (evening school) – a meeting place, a classroom, and laboratory where different worlds converged. The radio programming explored the ancient supercontinent of Gondwana, contemporary South Atlantic exchanges and Afro-Mexican cultures – a public research platform toward a forthcoming edition of the Chimurenga Chronic on these themes.

The post PASS LANDING AT MUSEO TAMAYO, MEXICO CITY first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-museo-tamayo-mexico-city/feed/ 0
Chimurenganyana: In Search of Yambo Ouologuem by Christopher Wise (June 2012) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-in-search-of-yambo-oluguem-by-christopher-wise-june-2012/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-in-search-of-yambo-oluguem-by-christopher-wise-june-2012/#respond Tue, 29 May 2012 12:27:06 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=15329 Yambo Ouologuem, the Malian author of Le devoir de violence and other […]

The post Chimurenganyana: In Search of Yambo Ouologuem by Christopher Wise (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
Yambo Ouologuem, the Malian author of Le devoir de violence and other literary works, has been shrouded in mystery since he disappeared from the West, effectively turning his back on literature. Christopher Wise goes in search.

The post Chimurenganyana: In Search of Yambo Ouologuem by Christopher Wise (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-in-search-of-yambo-oluguem-by-christopher-wise-june-2012/feed/ 0
Chimurenganyana: The Making of Mannenberg by John Edwin Mason (June 2012) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-the-making-of-mannenberg-by-john-edwin-mason-june-2012/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-the-making-of-mannenberg-by-john-edwin-mason-june-2012/#respond Mon, 28 May 2012 13:00:48 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=15330 On a winter’s day in 1974, a group of musicians led by […]

The post Chimurenganyana: The Making of Mannenberg by John Edwin Mason (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
On a winter’s day in 1974, a group of musicians led by Abdullah Ibrahim entered a recording studio in the heart of Cape Town, and emerged, hours later, having changed South African music, forever. John Edwin Mason pens notes on the making of the icon and the anthem.

The post Chimurenganyana: The Making of Mannenberg by John Edwin Mason (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-the-making-of-mannenberg-by-john-edwin-mason-june-2012/feed/ 0
PASS LANDING AT OBA CENTRAL LIBRARY, AMSTERDAM https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-oba-central-library-amsterdam/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-oba-central-library-amsterdam/#respond Sun, 11 Dec 2016 12:56:22 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=pass_pop_up&p=12489 From 11 -15 December 2016, the Pan African Space Station (PASS) landed in Amsterdam, transmitting live from the OBA Central Library.

The post PASS LANDING AT OBA CENTRAL LIBRARY, AMSTERDAM first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
From 11 -15 December 2016, the Pan African Space Station (PASS) landed in Amsterdam, transmitting live from the OBA Central Library.  The PASS live studio featured a 5-day programme as an experiment in speaking, listening, playing, partying and community; as a performance and exhibition space; a research platform and living archive. Programmed and performed by Chimurenga, PASS in Amsterdam featured collaborations with artists, filmmakers, writers, musicians and rebels whose practices draw from and respond to a variety of contexts; to prompt us, through performance, conversation and other forms, to imagine how worlds connect.

We thank all involved for improvising and collaborating with us to make this landing happen. Collaborators include ‘Black Stereo’ (Jimmy Rage and Bamba Al Mansour), Chandra Frank, Faustin Linyekula and Jose Pereelanga paying tribute to Franco, Amal Alhaag and Maria Guggenbichler reminding you to ‘Count Your Blessings’, ‘Protest Pop’ with Neo MuyangaEm’kal EyongapkaKodwo Eshun further entangling our imaginations, Aurelie Lierman and many many more.

To revisit moments from this landing, please visit our Mixcloud. Here’s more about those who contributed to PASS in Amsterdam:

Adeola Enigbokan is an artist and urban theorist based in Amsterdam.

Amal Alhaag and Maria Guggenbichler run DJ workshops for women as part of Side Room, a nomadic meeting room for intersectional feminist and anti-colonial practices.

Akinbode Akinbiyi is a photographer living in Berlin.

Angele Etoundi Essamba is a photographer living and working in Amsterdam. She is also the artistic director for IAM (Intense Art Magazine)

Anna Alix Koffi lives and works in Paris. She is the founder and editor-in-chief of OFF The Walla book review dedicated to photography

Ato Malinda is a performance artist who lives and works in Nairobi.

Apichatpong Weerasethakul is a filmmaker and principal Prince Claus Fund laureate of 2016.

Aurelie Lierman is a sound artist, radio producer, vocalist based in Amsterdam.

DJ CARISTA  is an Amsterdama-based radio host and selector at Red Light Radio.

Chandra Frank is a writer and curator living in Amsterdam. She works on black feminist genealogies and the politics of pleasure and resistance.

Charl Landvreugd is a Rotterdam-based visual and performance artist and curator.

Em’kal Eyongakpa is based in South West Cameroon and Amsterdam. He works at itinerant with video, photography, sculpture, sound, text and performance.

Faut Haut is an avant-pop band based in Amsterdam.

Faustin Linyekula is a dancer, choreographer and founder of Studios Kabako in Kisangani.

Femi Dawkins (a.k.a. Jimmy Rage) is a visual artist, poet and musician who lives in Amsterdam.

Frank Biyong is a musician, composer and producer who lives in Yaounde and Paris. He founded and leads the groups Massak and Afroelectric Orchestra.

Hodan WarsameTirza Balk and Kahya Engler are activists based in Amsterdam who produce radio shows, as well as host talks and workshops as part of Redmond Amsterdam.

INSAYNO (In Nasty Situations All You Need: Optimism) is a rapper and spoken-word artist based in Amsterdam.

Jeannine Valeriano is a singer, writer and spoken-word artist based in Amsterdam.

Jorgen Unom JG is a singer and poet living in Amsterdam.

DJ Jumanne aka J4 is the founder of Africanhiphop.com, the oldest website dedicated to hip hop cultures on the continent.

King Shiloh Sound System is a roots reggae & dub sound system working from Amsterdam.

Kodwo Eshun is a British-Ghanaian writer, theorist, filmmaker and co-founder of The Otolith Group.

Kunle Adeyemi is an architect and urban theorist, and the founder of Amsterdam-based NLÉWORKS Architects.

Nana Adusei-Poku is curator, writer and research professor in Visual Culture at Rotterdam University

Neo Muyanga is a musician and composer. He is the co-founder of the Pan African Space Station.

New Urban Collective is an activist collective of based in Amsterdam.

NIC Kay is a performance artist whose work involves sculpture, video, sound, installation, collage and printmaking.

N’gone Fall is an independent curator.

DJ Orpheu The Wizard is the co-founder of Red Light Radio, an Amsterdam-based online radio station.

Philou Louzolo is a DJ and producer based in Amsterdam.

Sammy Baloji is a photographer living in Brussels and Lubumbashi.

Vo Trong Nghia is an architect and Prince Claus Fund laureate of 2016.

The post PASS LANDING AT OBA CENTRAL LIBRARY, AMSTERDAM first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/pass_pop_up/pass-landing-at-oba-central-library-amsterdam/feed/ 0
Chimurenganyana: The Forest & The Zoo by Aryan Kaganoff (June 2012) https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-the-forest-the-zoo-by-aryan-kaganoff-june-2012/ https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-the-forest-the-zoo-by-aryan-kaganoff-june-2012/#respond Sun, 27 May 2012 13:20:48 +0000 http://chimurengachronic.co.za/?post_type=book_series&p=15331 Johnny Dyani offers a method to the Skanga (black music family) in […]

The post Chimurenganyana: The Forest & The Zoo by Aryan Kaganoff (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
Johnny Dyani offers a method to the Skanga (black music family) in this extended conversation with Aryan Kaganof. Photographs by George Hallett.

The post Chimurenganyana: The Forest & The Zoo by Aryan Kaganoff (June 2012) first appeared on The Chimurenga Chronic.

]]>
https://chimurengachronic.co.za/book_series/chimurenganyana-the-forest-the-zoo-by-aryan-kaganoff-june-2012/feed/ 0